Thomas Paine, Common Sense and a Plan for America
To the extent that historians give Thomas Paine credit for playing a significant role in the American Revolutionary Cause, it was his rousing call fo... View MoreThomas Paine, Common Sense and a Plan for America
To the extent that historians give Thomas Paine credit for playing a significant role in the American Revolutionary Cause, it was his rousing call for independence in his widely read tract Common Sense, published January 9, 1776, that most agree was his chief contribution to America’s decision to separate from British rule. Paine turned up the heat of the debate, stirred the pot and brought to a boil the already simmering revolutionary thoughts taking hold in America by shouting out loud “TIS TIME TO PART.” Although most Americans did not know who the anonymous author of the pamphlet was at first, Paine yanked the arguments and whispers for independence loitering in the back alleys and flung them out onto the streets for all to read and hear.
“To the extent” because not all historians, or even some of Paine’s own contemporaries, acknowledged his pivotal role in spurring Americans toward independence. Pauline Maier in her book American Scripture, for example, downplayed Paine’s contributions, giving the credit to John Adams for pushing the independence movement forward.[1] And for his part, Adams, an early admirer (and jealous) of Paine’s writings and popular appeal, turned sour toward the man and his ideas over time (“a Star of Disaster”). Adams concluded there was nothing original in Paine’s pamphlet, that it only repeated “common place arguments for independence” that Paine picked up here and there as a newcomer to Philadelphia.[2]
There is some truth to Adams’s latter charge. Paine later admitted that until he arrived in America from England in December 1774 (carrying with him two letters of introduction by Benjamin Franklin whom he had met in London), he “had no thoughts of independence or of arms.”[3] That all changed with the breakout of hostilities the following April at Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts. By then, he had been serving several months as editor of Robert Aitken’s Pennsylvania Magazine and soon after was thinking of composing a pamphlet on the rising conflict.
To this day, Paine is mostly remembered for his fiery rebellious writings during revolutionary times, here in America and later on during similar periods of political upheaval in England and France. A rebel with a cause.
But to the author, independence was only part of the picture. The real question he posed in Common Sense was, he said, what happens next? A fear of the unknown, Paine believed, was tugging against any steps toward independence.
So, Common Sense offered what Paine called some “hints” to address that fear. It outlined a plan. And among the proposals were several that smack of originality. Having spent the first part of Common Sense offering a scathing criticism of the British monarchy, nobility and hereditary rule, Paine advanced a different idea, one built entirely around republican principles.
The pamphlet offered the following brief but packed recipe for American governance: “Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.”[4] Gone was the monarchy, any hint of hereditary privilege and the separation of powers and checks and balances. The latter omission disturbed Adams: Paine’s proposals, he said, were far too “democratical.”
Paine recommended that a “Continental Conference” be called for purposes of framing a “Continental Charter, or Charter of the United Colonies . . . fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of the Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them. (Always remembering, that our strength is continental.)” This charter should secure
freedom and property to all men and, above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience … Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING.[5]
At least one future scholar found in Paine’s “hints” some fundamental principles of a nascent American constitutionalism. Political scientist Edward S. Corwin wrote the following about Paine’s scheme in Common Sense: “In this singular mixture of sense and fantasy, so characteristic of its author, are adumbrated a national constitutional convention, the dual plan of our federal system, a national bill of rights, and ‘worship of the Constitution.’”[6]
There are several notable takeaways from Paine’s succinct suggestions. First, he called for a written constitution to replace Britain’s unwritten version. Second, he proposed a dual system of government, based on national supremacy. To achieve that, the constitution would distribute powers to both the national and subordinate governments. That fundamental principle undergirds American federalism. Third, in a republican form of government, the powers of government must rest ultimately on the authority of the people. That is the principle of popular sovereignty. As James Madison put it, “the difference between a system founded on the legislatures only, and one founded on the people, [is] the true difference between a league or treaty, and a Constitution.”[7]
For Paine, the venerable English constitution was no guarantee against absolutism: “though we [Englishmen] have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute Monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.”[8] And he ridiculed the British model of separation of powers and checks and balances, by arguing that in practice, the back and forth checks among king, lords and commons on each other were farcical. An example:
as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills … it supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity![9]
So, Paine ignored the doctrine of separation of powers in his recommendations for America.
Who then should call for the Continental Charter? Here Paine offered details:
A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony. Two Members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose … In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.[10]
These ideas emerged later in the principles of the American Constitution of 1787 after being ignored in America’s first national constitution, the Articles of Confederation. That constitution was designed by government, the Second Continental Congress soon after Independence was declared. No independent “Continental Charter,” or constitutional convention for the purpose of framing a government, as Paine had recommended, occurred at that time.
At least his idea of a unicameral legislature was right in line with the Articles. It was comprised of a single national Congress (but with limited powers). It too created no independent executive or judiciary. But Paine did not subscribe to what became the fatal flaw of the Articles, the superiority of state powers.
From the beginning, his instincts were nationalist. He argued repeatedly in Common Sense and other early writings in early 1776 that the “continental belt was too loosely buckled,” that unless the America acted in unison in such times, not only would it not achieve independence, but it would also be likely to fail even if it did.
Paine’s Common Sense was more than mere rabble rousing. Not only did the famous pamphlet help the colonies’ break their dependence on Great Britain, but it also outlined constructive ideas for the creation of a republican government for the nation.
It did not take long for John Adams to respond to Paine’s recommendations for governance. He rushed into print his own Thoughts on Government in the spring of 1776 to provide a counterpoint, an antidote to Paine’s prescriptions in Common Sense.[11] Advocating for a system of separation of powers and checks and balances, he argued vigorously for measures to ensure limits on popular government. And with that, a long-lasting debate began: Just how democratic should the republic be?
[1] Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (Alfred A. Knopf, 1997, 91-96.
[2] John Adams autobiography, part 1, “John Adams,” through 1776, sheet 23 of 53 (electronic edition). Adams Family Papers: An Electronic Archive, Massachusetts Historical Society. www.masshist.org/digitaladams/.
[3] Phillip S. Foner, The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 2 vols. (The Citadel Press, 1969), 1:143-44.
[4] Ibid., 1:28.
[5] Ibid., 1:29.
[6] Edward S. Corwin, “The Progress of Constitutional Theory between the Declaration of Independence and the Meeting of the Philadelphia Convention,” in Gordon S. Wood, ed., The Confederation and the Constitution: The Critical Issues (Brown University Press, 1973), 33.
[7] Foner, The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 1:52.
[8] Ibid., 1:8.
[9] Ibid., 1:7.
[10] Ibid., 1:28-29.
[11] Jett B. Conner, John Adams vs Thomas Paine: Rival Plans for the Early Republic (Westholme, 2018), 29-47.
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Wyoming Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar Was Built By An Outlaw And Won In A Card Game
Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar was built by an outlaw who rode with Butch Cassidy and was later owned by a Wyoming Cowboy Hall of Fa... View MoreWyoming Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar Was Built By An Outlaw And Won In A Card Game
Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar was built by an outlaw who rode with Butch Cassidy and was later owned by a Wyoming Cowboy Hall of Famer who won the bar in a card game. The current owner, Lila Golden, has worked there since she was 6 years old.
Lila Golden said she was amazed at how many bullet holes were found in the walls of Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar when they stripped the siding off and replaced it in 2011.
The Cowboy Bar’s tough reputation was part of the deal when Golden’s father, C.W. Davis, bought it in 1969. Located on the corner of Maybell and Pine Street, it was known as a place where someone looking for trouble rarely left disappointed.
It was built in 1931 by an outlaw who rode with Butch Cassidy’s Hole in the Wall Gang and later was owned by a member of the Wyoming Cowboy Hall of Fame who, according to local legend, won the bar in a card game.
Some of its former patrons in the 1970s were so well-known by local law enforcement that deputies from neighboring counties were often alerted on the nights when this crew went out drinking.
“I’m not naming names, but there were some wild, tough characters here back in the day,” Golden said. “When they got into trouble in Jackson, they would call the Sublette County Sheriff to come and help, and when they got in trouble here, they would call the Teton County sheriff.”
When Davis bought the bar, city officials told him they would provide a liquor license, but they wouldn’t renew it if he didn’t clean the place up.
“My dad taught me to control the crowd by paying attention to what’s going on at all times,” she said. “And what’s playing on the juke box has a lot to do with people’s moods.”
The Rudolph Tipsy Punch
Now the Cowboy Bar’s reputation makes for good storytelling, and this time of year, Golden spends her time working behind the bar, making holiday cocktails. Golden has worked here since she was 6 years old and has owned the place for the last 20 years.
As she pours and stirs, she tells a story about the last shooting that happened here in 1977. A man was shot in the buttocks on the boardwalk out front by a jealous husband. It wasn’t fatal, but the exit wound nearly neutered him.
“I knew him,” she said. “His name was Chuck Wagg. What saved his manhood was the bikini underwear he was wearing.”
Served in a slender, curvy cocktail glass, the Rudolph Tipsy Punch seems a bit too pink and feminine to be sitting in front of a man on a bar in a place named for men who rope and ride for a living. But it’s early in the day, the place is empty, and it’s surprisingly delicious.
This drink is made with vodka, orange juice, cranberry juice, cherry juice, and ginger beer. The ginger gives it a spicy finish.
The Founder’s Story
Walt Punteney built the Cowboy Bar in 1931. He came to Wyoming from Kansas in his late teens and broke horses for a living. He appeared in Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show and rode with Butch Cassidy’s Wild Bunch.
According to Sublette County historians Clint Gilchrist and Dawn Ballou, Punteney and two others were arrested in connection with the Butte County bank robbery in Belle Fourche, South Dakota, in 1897.
The charges against all three men were eventually dropped, and historians have speculated that Cassidy paid “high-priced lawyers” to represent them. One of them is believed to have been Harry Longabaugh, aka The Sundance Kid.
Back To Drinkin’
The Mistletoe Margarita provides a seasonal twist on this most well-known Mexican cocktail. It’s made with raspberry-infused vodka, tequila, triple sec, cranberry, and lime juice and garnished with a slice of lime. It comes with a generous amount of salt on the rim, which gives it a winter motif.
This drink is an eye-pleasing and more gender-neutral purple color, thanks to the cranberry. It could be considered gentlemanly in some locales, but order it in this bar, and your man card may be called into question.
Giving Liberals The Finger
Friendly service is a requirement at the Cowboy Bar, and that comes directly from the boss. But there’s no attempt to disguise the management’s political leanings.
Golden teaches her employees that a bartender’s job is to listen to what customers have to say and not to expect to be tipped. Gratuities must be earned with good service.
“Customers don’t come in here to hear about our problems,” she said. “Our job is to listen.”
A sign hanging next to the front door states that all liberals must be accompanied by an adult. Another, more local political message targets the residents of a neighboring county with, “Don’t Jackson Hole Our Town.”
Putting The Cowboy In The Cowboy Bar
Golden’s father came to Pinedale in 1962 from Las Vegas, Nevada. He was a card player who participated in high-stakes poker games that sometimes went on for days, she said.
“He was a gambler, and he ran a lot of bars in his life,” Golden said. “I could retire on some of the hands he’s won and lost.”
Davis also had an eye for art and a bunch of friends who are cattle ranchers. He had several shadow boxes made out of barn wood with glass fronts and purple velvet backing. The boxes contain numerous tools of the ranching trade, like branding irons, tack, boots, hats, shovels, gold pans, knives, pistols, and traps.
Inside one of the display cases is a set of handmade spurs given to Davis by a friend named Rex Miller. Golden said they must be valuable based on how many people have offered to buy them over the years.
Inside a second case is a round steel object with 2-inch-long spikes protruding from its center. Golden said it’s called a “weaner,” and it was used to wean calves from their mothers. The device was placed around a calf’s nose and when it tried to nurse, the spikes would poke the cow’s udder and she would kick the calf off.
There’s not kicking off those who want a drink and conversation at Pinedale’s Cowboy Bar, where cowboy is more than a name, it’s a lifestyle.
Juan Seguin Betrayed Hero of the Texas Revolution
Juan Nepomuceno Seguín (1806-1890) was a Tejano soldier in the Texas Revolution, commissioned as a captain of cavalry by Stephen F. Austin, later a c... View MoreJuan Seguin Betrayed Hero of the Texas Revolution
Juan Nepomuceno Seguín (1806-1890) was a Tejano soldier in the Texas Revolution, commissioned as a captain of cavalry by Stephen F. Austin, later a colonel under General Sam Houston, participated in the Siege of Béxar in 1835, served as a messenger from the Alamo in 1836, and fought alongside Sam Houston at the decisive Battle of San Jacinto on 21 April 1836.
Even so, after the revolution was won and the Republic of Texas established, Seguín's contributions were forgotten quite quickly as Anglo-American colonists – many newcomers who had contributed nothing to the cause of Texas independence – distrusted and mistreated Tejano citizens, including Seguín. He was forced to flee his home in San Antonio de Béxar due to death threats in 1842, and he would later serve under his former enemy, General Antonio López de Santa Anna, in the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848.
He died in Mexico in 1890 was buried in Nuevo Laredo, but his remains were moved to Texas in 1974 so that he could be part of the bicentennial celebrations of 1976, interred in the town that bears his name, Seguin. That honor came a little too late, however, and did more for the politicians of the time and Texas' public image than for Seguín. And, unfortunately, Seguín's story is only the best-known of the many Tejanos who fought for an independent Texas Republic but were denied any recognition for their efforts until over 100 years later.
Early Life
Juan Seguín was born in San Antonio de Béxar, province of Tejas, New Spain, on 27 October 1806 to Juan José María Erasmo Seguín and María Josefa Becerra Seguín, who would later have another son. Seguín received no formal education but was homeschooled, as both his parents were literate and placed a high value on reading and writing.
In 1825, at age 19, Seguín married María Gertrudis Flores de Abrego, daughter of a wealthy and prominent father, and they would have ten children. Supported by his in-laws, Seguín was elected to public office as an alderman in 1828 and became mayor of San Antonio de Béxar in 1833.
Seguín was eager to join the Texas Revolution, which initially was a fight to return Mexico to the Federalist form of government.
Mexico had won its independence from Spain in 1821, and Seguín and his family supported the new Federalist administration and the Constitution of 1824. In 1834, President Antonio López de Santa Anna abolished the Constitution of 1824 and established the Centralist Republic of Mexico, rescinding the rights that citizens of the country's districts had become used to.
Seguín was aware that the Anglo-Americans in Tejas (Texas) were as resentful of this as the native Tejanos and that, even before Santa Anna's actions, had been defying Mexican officials in events such as the Anahuac Disturbances in April 1832 and July 1835. He would also have met James Bowie (later an active participant in the Texas Revolution) sometime after 1828, and certainly after 1831, when Bowie married María Ursula de Veramendi, daughter of the prominent Juan Martín de Veramendi, who would have traveled in Seguín's same social circles.
Texas Revolution 1835
When the Texas Revolution began at the Battle of Gonzales (2 October 1835), Seguín was eager to join the cause, which initially was a fight to return Mexico to the Federalist form of government and restore the Constitution of 1824. Seguín had proved himself a capable commander in spring 1835 when leading a company of militia, and, after Gonzales, Stephen F. Austin, Commander of the Army of the People, commissioned him a captain. Scholar James Donovan comments:
[A] valuable addition [to the Texian cause] was twenty-eight-year-old Juan Seguín, whose father, Erasmo, was a good friend of Stephen Austin's and a former Béxar alcalde [mayor. Erasmo Seguín was one of the town's most prominent citizens, and he had raised his children in a cultured, liberal atmosphere; both men were staunch federalists, and Juan had recently returned from skirmishing with centralist troops near Monclova…The handsome young Seguín brought with him a company of thirty-seven other mounted Tejanos.
Seguín and his men served as scouts and guides for Austin as they advanced on San Antonio de Béxar in October 1835. Mexican General Martín Perfecto de Cos had earlier moved his troops from Goliad to San Antonio and, when the Texians moved against his former position at the Battle of Goliad (10 October 1835), hoping to kidnap Cos, they found only a garrison of 50 soldiers who surrendered.
Austin knew that the decisive blow to Mexican military authority would be at San Antonio, and so he had Seguín and his men go before the Texian forces to scout positions and lead the army by the best route. Seguín participated in the Battle of Concepción (28 October 1835), led by James Bowie and James W. Fannin, and also in the Siege of Béxar (12 October to 11 December 1835). The siege ended with Cos' surrender and, as a central aspect of the terms, he led what was left of his army out of Texas and back to Mexico.
Horsemanship & The Alamo
For many Texians, the victory at the Siege of Béxar meant the end of the Texas Revolution, and so they went home. Colonel James C. Neill, who had been left to hold the Alamo after Cos left, did not believe this – and neither did General Sam Houston, who had been elected to command the regular army in November 1835.
Houston sent James Bowie, with 30 men, to remove all ordnance and anything else of value from the Alamo, and then destroy it to keep it from again becoming a Mexican stronghold. Bowie and Neill both felt the Alamo should be held, not destroyed, as it would serve as a first line of defense when Santa Anna returned to try to retake Texas.
Prior to this, Seguín had been approached by Stephen F. Austin to teach his Anglo-American Texas Rangers how to "ride like a Mexican." Austin had formed the Texas Rangers as a volunteer force in 1823 to protect his colonists against Native American attacks. Scholar Stephen L. Hardin writes:
That process of cultural adaptation transformed the force and rendered the Texas Rangers unique. Presently, it was observed that a Texas Ranger could "shoot like a Tennessean, ride like a Mexican, and fight like the Devil!" yet that could not have been claimed before 1835. Anglo-Americans had to be taught how to ride like Mexicans. Comrades such as Juan Seguín and Placido Benavides proved excellent instructors.
In January 1836, Seguín and his men arrived at the Alamo in response to the calls from Bowie and Neill for reinforcements. In early February, more men responded to the call, including Lt. Colonel William Barret Travis and frontiersman and former Congressman, David Crockett of Tennessee.
On 11 February, Neill left to deal with family problems and turned over command to William Barret Travis. Travis, a regular army officer, was much younger than James Bowie, commanding the volunteers, and so a dispute arose as to who would lead the garrison. When put to a vote, Bowie won – and then celebrated his victory by getting drunk and causing mayhem in town – but, once he sobered up the next day, he agreed that he and Travis would co-command.
Neither Travis nor Bowie – nor Houston, for that matter – believed that Santa Anna would arrive in San Antonio until the spring and so, although requests had been sent out for reinforcements and supplies, and work on strengthening the walls of the Alamo had continued, they were surprised when the banners and lances of the Mexican army under General Santa Anna appeared in Béxar on 23 February 1836.
Juan Seguín (by this time, a cavalry colonel), his men, and many others then in San Antonio de Béxar took refuge in the Alamo. Seguín was present for part of the 13-day siege of the Alamo until he was sent out to ask for help, possibly on 28 February. In a letter by Seguín from 1890, he describes the circumstances:
Travis resolved to name a messenger to proceed to the town of Gonzales and ask for help, thinking that Sam Houston was then at that place. But, as to leave the fortification at such a critical moment was the same as to encounter death, Santa Anna having drawn a complete circle of iron around the Alamo, no one would consent to run the risk, making it necessary to decide the question by putting it to a vote; I was the one elected.
Colonel Travis opposed my taking this commission, stating that, as I was the only one that possessed the Spanish language and understood Mexican customs better, my presence in the Alamo might become necessary in case of having to treat with Santa Anna. But the rest could not be persuaded, and I must go.
I was permitted to take my orderly, Antonio Cruz, and we left at eight o-clock at night after having bid good-bye to all my comrades, expecting certain death. I arrived safely in the town of Gonzalez, and obtained at once a reinforcement of thirty men, who were sent to the Alamo.
Sources disagree on whether Seguín sent the famous 32 volunteers from Gonzales to the Alamo, and he seems to have first headed for Goliad to guide Colonel Fannin's troops to San Antonio, but there is general agreement that Houston ordered Seguín to remain in or around Gonzales until he arrived. On the morning of 6 March 1836, Santa Anna ordered a full assault on the Alamo, and it was quickly taken. All the defenders were killed in the Battle of the Alamo, and any who survived were executed afterwards, including David Crockett.
San Jacinto & Victory
On 11 March, two Tejanos from San Antonio (Andres Barcena and Anselmo Vergara) – known by Seguín and instructed to remain there to report on the status of the Alamo – arrived in Gonzales to report on its fall. Houston, recently arrived, accused them of being spies, relaying false information, and had them arrested.
On 13 March, Susanna Dickinson, the wife of Almaron Dickinson, artillery commander at the Alamo, and Joe, the slave of William B. Travis, arrived to confirm the report that the Alamo had fallen and there were no survivors. Houston ordered Gonzales burned, and an immediate retreat, initiating what is known as the Runaway Scrape, in which colonists fled east to escape the anticipated advance of Santa Anna.
If Seguín had not held against Sesma, there would have been no army to have later won at the Battle of San Jacinto.
Juan Seguín and his men were posted as rearguard, defending the fleeing Anglo-Americans and Tejanos from a possible attack. When Houston reached the Colorado River, Mexican General Sesma was close behind, and Seguín's command held them back while Houston and the fleeing colonists crossed over. If Seguín had not held against Sesma, there would have been no army to have later won at the Battle of San Jacinto.
Houston fled from Santa Anna across Texas but finally established a firm field of battle near the San Jacinto River. By this time, news of the Goliad Massacre of 27 March had reached Houston, and that, coupled with the deaths at the Alamo, enraged the Texian army. Hardin writes:
All were anxious to avenge the deaths of those who had fallen at the Alamo and Goliad. Among them, Juan Seguín led a detachment of about nineteen Tejanos. Their presence in the line of battle was all the more impressive because they had been excused from combat duty. Since the execution of Fannin and his men [at Goliad], animosity against Mexicans – all Mexicans – had run high. Houston was fearful that, in the heat of battle, his vengeful rowdies might not pause to make distinctions…the general ordered Seguín's company to stay and guard the baggage.
Seguín angrily reminded Houston that not all his men were with him. Some had fallen at the Alamo. Besides, all his soldiers hailed from the Béxar area and, until Santa Anna and his army were driven out of Texas, they could not return home. Seguín steadfastly asserted that his men had more reason to hate the santanistas [supporters of Santa Anna] than anyone in Texas and wanted in on the kill.
"Spoken like a man!" Houston exclaimed. But he insisted on one precaution: the Tejanos must place a piece of cardboard in their hatbands to identify them. Consequently, with the distinctive cardboard insignia in place, they advanced upon the enemy with the rest of the army.
Houston won the Battle of San Jacinto in 18 minutes. The provisional government of Texas had declared independence on 2 March and, with this victory, was able to announce the birth of the Texas Republic.
Life After Revolution
After the victory at San Jacinto, Seguín was sent back to San Antonio to accept the surrender of General Juan Andrade on 4 June 1836 and then served as the city's military commander through 1837, overseeing the burial of the remains of those who died at the Alamo. According to Seguín:
The remains of those who died in the Alamo were burned by order of General Santa Anna, and the few fragments I ordered deposited in an urn. I ordered the sepulcher opened in San Antonio's cathedral next to the altar, that is, in front of the two railings but very near the steps.
Today, these remains are encased in a marble sarcophagus at the entry to the San Fernando Cathedral in San Antonio, but there is no way of knowing if that casket actually contains – as it claims to – the remains of Bowie, Crockett, and Travis.
Betrayal & Mexico
After independence, Sam Houston was elected the first president of the Texas Republic, and Seguín was elected as senator in 1837. In 1839, Seguín was honored when a town 30 miles (48 km) east of San Antonio was named for him, and in 1841, he was again mayor of San Antonio.
More and more Anglo-Americans began to swarm into Texas after 1837, buying up land and, generally, mistreating and mistrusting Tejanos. In 1842, less than ten years after his heroic efforts in the cause of Texian independence, owing to his response to an assault from Mexico, Seguín was suspected of colluding with Mexican operatives to retake Texas, although he had only tried to defend the territory against the assault by General Rafael Vásquez.
In April 1842, Seguín resigned as mayor following death threats from Anglo-American settlers claiming he was a traitor who was trying to hand Texas back to Mexico. He went to Mexico to live near one of his sons and later served in the army under Santa Anna in the Mexican-American War.
Conclusion
Seguín returned to Texas in 1848 and built a house adjoining his father's property. He served as justice of the peace between 1852 and 1854 and, in 1858, wrote and published his memoirs. He returned to Mexico shortly afterwards, living near his son in Nuevo Laredo, and died there of natural causes on 27 August 1890.
The contributions of Tejanos to the Texas Revolution were almost completely ignored in the early years of the Texas Republic and only came to be recognized in the latter part of the 20th century. Juan Seguín's story epitomizes the many others who faithfully served the cause of Texian independence but were later relegated to second-class citizens, persecuted, had their lands stolen, and were driven from their homes by Anglo-Americans.
In 1974, as noted, Seguín's remains were taken from Nuevo Laredo and reinterred at Seguin, Texas, in preparation for the United States bicentennial celebration of 1976. A great monument was erected over his grave with a grand statue of Seguín atop. This gesture became part of an initiative that has gained momentum since: honoring the many Tejanos whose contributions to the independence of Texas were forgotten after victory was won.
Bibliography
Davis, W. C. Three Roads to the Alamo. Harper Perennial, 1999.
Donovan, J. The Blood of Heroes: The 13-Day Struggle for the Alamo. Back Bay Books, 2013.
Edmondson, J. R. The Alamo Story: From Early History to Current Conflicts. TwoDot, 2022.
Groneman, B. Eyewitness to the Alamo. Lone Star Books, 2017.
Haley, J. Sam Houston. University of Oklahoma Press, 2002.
Hardin, S. L. & Zaboly, G. S. Texian Iliad: A Military History of the Texas Revolution. University of Texas Press, 1996.
The Greenbrier Ghost: The Case Where a Spirit Helped Convict a Murderer
In 1897, a chilling story unfolded in Greenbrier County, West Virginia, that would make its way into the annals of American fol... View MoreThe Greenbrier Ghost: The Case Where a Spirit Helped Convict a Murderer
In 1897, a chilling story unfolded in Greenbrier County, West Virginia, that would make its way into the annals of American folklore. The tale revolves around Elva Zona Heaster Shue, a young woman whose untimely death would soon lead to an astonishing claim—a ghost’s testimony that would help bring her murderer to justice.
Elva Zona, known as Zona to her family, married a man named Edward Shue shortly before her death. The couple’s relationship was seemingly normal, but her sudden and suspicious death just a few months into their marriage raised questions. Zona was found dead in her home, and the official cause was thought to be heart failure. However, her mother, Mary Heaster, didn’t believe the explanation. She was convinced that Zona’s spirit was trying to communicate the truth about what happened.
Mary began to have vivid dreams in which her daughter’s ghost appeared, detailing how her husband had killed her. According to the ghostly testimony, Edward Shue had attacked Zona, strangling her with a noose and causing her death. The ghost allegedly showed her mother the manner of death, and Mary became determined to bring the truth to light.
At first, law enforcement was skeptical, as ghostly sightings and testimonies were hardly accepted in court. However, Mary’s insistence and the increasingly strange circumstances surrounding Zona’s death led authorities to take a closer look. They exhumed her body and discovered evidence that contradicted the original findings. Zona’s neck showed signs of strangulation, not heart failure. This revelation gave weight to Mary’s claims and prompted an investigation into Edward Shue.
Edward was arrested, and during the trial, the testimony of Mary Heaster was pivotal. Though it was unconventional to rely on the words of a ghost, the discovery of evidence corroborating her account made a compelling case. Edward Shue was convicted of his wife’s murder and sentenced to life in prison.
The Greenbrier Ghost story remains one of the most unique and bizarre cases in criminal history. It stands as the only known instance where a ghost’s testimony was integral in securing a conviction. The eerie tale continues to be a point of intrigue for both paranormal enthusiasts and true crime aficionados alike. It also serves as a testament to the power of belief and the mystery of the unknown, where even a ghost might have a say in the pursuit of justice.
January 6, 2026
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June 14, 1777: During the American Revolution, the Continental Congress adopts a resolution stating that “the flag of the United States be thirteen alternate stripes red and white” and that “the Union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new Constellation.” The national flag, which became known as the “Stars and Stripes,” was based on the “Grand Union” flag, a banner carried by the Continental Army in 1776 that also consisted of 13 red and white stripes. According to legend, Philadelphia seamstress Betsy Ross designed the new canton for the Stars and Stripes, which consisted of a circle of 13 stars and a blue background, at the request of General George Washington. Historians have been unable to conclusively prove or disprove this legend.
With the entrance of new states into the United States after independence, new stripes and stars were added to represent new additions to the Union. In 1818, however, Congress enacted a law stipulating that the 13 original stripes be restored and that only stars be added to represent new states.
On June 14, 1877, the first Flag Day observance was held on the 100th anniversary of the adoption of the Stars and Stripes. As instructed by Congress, the U.S. flag was flown from all public buildings across the country. In the years after the first Flag Day, several states continued to observe the anniversary, and in 1949 Congress officially designated June 14 as Flag Day, a national day of observance.





